What's Wrong with the Modern Left

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Belle
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What's Wrong with the Modern Left

Post by Belle » Tue Jan 05, 2021 3:49 pm

My White Privilege Didn’t Save Me. But God Did
written by Edie Wyatt ("Quillette" online journal)

I am not naturally conservative, and I do not exhibit the required antagonism toward men to qualify me as a decent feminist. But in the area of sex, rape, and paedophilia, I am unable to separate my politics from what is fashionably called my “lived experience.” As a young girl, I was raped, as were other members of my family (not all of them female). It was only in my reaction to this tweet that I started to think of how those experiences, and the circumstances that surrounded them, shaped my politics.
My experience is not uncommon among those who share my socioeconomic background. I will spare readers most of the unpalatable details. But suffice to say I had a childhood marked by constant fear—of sleepless nights spent keeping watch.

The abuse started when I was about six. When I was about 10 (by my recollection), the abuser moved away, and no longer had access to my home. I then had a few years of peace. I might have used that interregnum to ask my parents for help, had they been more approachable.

I loved my parents with all my heart, and forgive them unreservedly. They were once an aspiring post-war, working class Australian couple. We lived in a Brisbane public housing estate with a state-assisted mortgage. My father was a London Cockney, born just a few years before the stock market collapse of 1929. He left what remained of his home city after the war, on assisted passage to Australia. For her part, my mum was descended almost entirely from 19th-century convicts. She was bright, but poor, and cursed genetically with Huntington’s disease (HD). By the time I came along in the early 1970s, the youngest of four, my parents were tired, my mother was mentally ill, and they were both alcoholics.

In the absence of parental care, as well as discipline, my siblings, cousins, and I ran wild. The fellowship we found within this dysfunctional group was the only joy of my miserable childhood. I was particularly close with my cousin Nicky, who was being abused by an older stepbrother. She lived in another town, but all our school holidays were spent together. We both knew what was happening to each other, but never really discussed it. We played and bathed and slept together, clinging to each other as a form of respite.

In primary school, I was easily distracted. I was angry almost all the time, cried easily, and, from the age of about 12, sought refuge in drugs and alcohol. The worst enduring symptom of trauma, for me, was fear. Not just trepidation, but real terror, from morning till night, and into my dreams.

When I was 11, my mother asked my former abuser to take care of our house while we were away. When we returned, he was back in my life. In a nightmare game of cat and mouse, I managed to stay safe until an incident when I was 13. This time, I told my mother, and he was out of my life again.

As with millions of girls, puberty was a time of fearfully watching my body turn into something that I knew was sexually attractive to men. Nicky went the other way and became promiscuous. Girls like Nicky search for power where they can find it. When you see a young woman wielding her sexual power, it’s not always a cause for either celebration or scorn. My brother and I spent many party nights pulling her away from the clutches of predators.

In the new sexually charged landscape that children encounter in school, activists lay out myriad sexual and gender identities to minors, on the possibility the child may see one as a mirror. They sift through children like sand, claiming other people’s sons and daughters as a member of this or that “community.” Both Nicky and her brother Kevin later identified as gay (which of course, they might well have been). They were both troubled, and Kevin committed suicide. Maybe it was an identity crisis, or maybe it was that they were being fucked when they were children.

I have no tolerance for activists obsessed with aggressive cultural interventions in a child’s sexuality or gender issues. Heterosexual girls are the people who are the most vulnerable to sexual and domestic violence, and who are most likely to be murdered by a sexual partner. In response, modern feminism wants to teach little boys like Kevin that they are toxic, and little girls like Nicky that promiscuity is liberation. Neither is helpful.

I dropped out of school at 16, for what could be called “social reasons,” and started a full-time job at a supermarket. My parents were spending all their money on alcohol, and there was nothing left for books, uniforms, or the things I needed to feel good about going to school. I was trying hard to be invisible. But it’s hard to be invisible in the wrong socks.

A year or so later, I enrolled in night-school classes to pursue my dream of going to university. I seemed to be getting myself together, even though my mother’s mental illness and alcoholism had become a chronic destabilizing factor in our lives. When I was 17, a few months after Kevin’s devastating suicide, my mother invited the abuser to move into our family home, again, even though she knew what he was. I became homeless.

Many years later, I wrote about these events in a victim impact statement. Girls like me become homeless because their home is more dangerous than the world of strangers into which they are thrown. That is saying something, because the world contains quite a lot of risk for a damaged girl.

I’m not sure how I managed to get myself enrolled in university, I attribute it to a mixture of rebellious rage, denial, and excessive marijuana use—that, and the fact that I did also find some kind souls. I enrolled in a Bachelor of Arts program, majoring in political and cultural theory, probably because it had the lowest academic entry requirements.

You won’t find it surprising to learn that I related easily to Marxist ideology. I liked the idea that my oppression was systemic, that I was marked for suffering before I was born, and that I was a victim of it. If this was all true, then the path to justice was corporate and institutional, rather than the terrifying path of facing my own issues as a powerless individual.

By the time I was 20, my mental health was deteriorating, and what was left of my family was falling apart. Following the suicide of her brother, Nicky showed signs of serious emotional instability. Neither of us knew she was also experiencing early signs of Huntington’s disease. I will always remember the sorrow and frustration in her face when she turned to me one day and said, “no matter how hard I try, I just can’t seem to get myself together.” We’d always dreamed of escaping our torturous childhoods amid the freedom and possibilities of adulthood. The reality was different.

Under the belief (delusional, as it turned out) that the problem was rooted in my drug and alcohol use, I gave up both. Unfortunately, without that self-medication, I found myself face to face with the underlying pain and paralysing fear. One night, I collapsed on the floor, crying and in such physical pain that I could barely move. I picked up a Bible and read a passage from 2 Corinthians 5—Awaiting the New Body—that left me completely undone.

Not long after, I walked into a suburban Baptist church, full of strange, unfashionably dressed, conservative Christians. I was a Marxist, a feminist, foul-mouthed, a chain-smoker, and desperate. The love I received in that place is the reason that I will defend the rights of fundamentalist Christians to my dying breath. They were the kindest people I’d ever known. They loved me, on principle, and in doing so saved my life.

People who advocate for a world without religion have no idea what it is like to find the relief that I found at that time. My purpose here is not to describe my “Amazing Grace” moment, but to explain why I have no patience for militant atheists. In the face of my evangelical Christianity, progressives (mostly men) have called me every unholy thing imaginable—including, of all things, a paedophile apologist.

I went back to university, now into my second year, as a newly minted Christian. As I was no longer a Marxist, I lived in a world of cognitive dissonance. While pumping out essays about the patriarchy, the evils of capitalism, and the sinister influence of religion, I diligently studied my new faith.

As a means to avoid Marxism, I started to focus on post-structuralism. In the heady days of the early 90s, some may remember, the post-structuralist made fun of the Marxists and all their grand narratives. I learned to take ideas back to their origins, and show how cultures make everything up over long periods of time. According to post-structuralist ideas, our beliefs are all completely malleable.

I did encounter problems in an elective course that focused on the emergence of Protestantism, however. By applying the methodologies of Marcel Mauss, Michel Foucault, and Pierre Bourdieu, we examined the way that Protestant “practices of the self” were employed to govern urban populations. It was all fun and games until I was expected to write that the “born again” experience was basically a materialist transformation through external practices. Objectively, I had seen that by reading the Bible, living cleanly, and changing the company I kept, my life had really improved. It was in relationship with God that I found peace, purpose, and joy. I found I could forgive, I could breathe, I could sleep, and my fear had disappeared.

Looking back, though, I do see why certain practices of evangelical Protestantism were attractive to me. Spaces in churches often are separated by sex. Physical contact between young single men and women is not encouraged. My favourite was the “Billy Graham principle”: Men in the church would not visit me alone as a single woman. The pastor would only meet me in his office with the door slightly ajar, so other staff could see in. I know that churches have been places where many people have not been safe. But the corner of Christianity I’d stumbled upon happened to be genuinely devout (to my knowledge) and serious about holiness. That’s what I liked about it. That’s what I still like about it.

Unlike most of my fellow left-leaning students, I was genuinely working class. As a Cockney, my father wasn’t working class because of what he did; it was simply who he was. My mother regularly reminded us of the struggle of working women for fair wages. She failed me in the most fundamental of ways. But right or wrong, she was my greatest political influence. At the base of her politics was the real-life outworking of collective, pluralist power. Yet neither of my parents were Marxists. Like much of the postwar working class, they were dyed-in-the-wool Labor voters. Their politics was practical.

My drift from Marxism was not a drift from the Left. I still saw the Left as the side of compassion, of advocacy for the poor, women, and the oppressed. Poor and disadvantaged children, such as I was, were given real opportunities as a result of leftist policies. True, I did feel a little sorry about leaving the academic Left for French cultural theory, but this part of the Left abandoned me, not vice versa.

Unfortunately, as we’ve all seen, the academic Left eventually prevailed over the grass-roots leftism that my parents had supported. When I first voted Conservative about seven years ago, I went back to my car and cried.

The postmodern re-engineering of left-wing political theory has included the redefinition of “privilege” in a way that is separate from economics, a definition of “sex” that is separate from biology, and a definition of “violence” that does not involve actual violence. It’s a language and a narrative that completely abandons the working class, while erroneously taking for granted our loyalty. Until recently, I have thought my objections with the new Left were the result of its ideological incoherence. But when I deal honestly with my reactions to issues of sexual violence, I can see that my politics has always come from a more personal place.

Australian Greens Senator Lidia Thorpe, who is Aboriginal, recently walked into parliament wielding the “black power” fist gesture, and carrying a stick with a notch for every aboriginal death in government custody. Ms. Thorpe declared she would be a voice for Australian Indigenous people. In Indigenous communities, sexual assault, domestic violence, and incest are epidemic. Yet thanks to the fashion for prison/police “abolition,” it now isn’t unusual to see left-wing activists effectively shield the men who rape and abuse women and children, instead of urging the protection of these victims. (Poster's comment: this is what a conservative aboriginal activist, Jacinta Price, has been arguing in Australia for several years now and it's the reason she's incurred the wrath of the power-consumed indigenous rights industry.)

My “white privilege” didn’t save me from childhood sexual abuse. Sexual violence almost killed me. It ruined my childhood, made me homeless, and left me with enduring scars. I can debate and theorize about politics as much as the next person. But ultimately, the politics of the modern Left is dominated by its fixation on power. And children have no power.

It may seem creepy to some people, but I cannot look past the risk of sexual violence anywhere it exists. And I see it in the criminal-justice power plays of modern race politics. When people call for the defunding of the police, I think of Nicky and me as children. Predators are cowardly creatures who prey on the weak and lonely. The removal of police is exactly what they want.

The call to separate the definition of women from biology also has huge implications for female safety. All the women in my family, except me, carried the defective HD gene. The last 25 years of my life have been spent attending to their care. As Nicky’s HD progressed, she required assistance showering and then toileting, all while she was still quite a young woman. These are intimate tasks. In most cases, a girl or woman receiving such care will prefer that they be served by a woman, not a man. People like Nicky have so few choices in their life. It seems another level of cruelty to force them to be bathed in their homes by biological males who self-identify as women. She lived a life that was almost always unsafe, specifically because of men.

I have carved out a life of forgiveness and healing, and have sought to walk away from victimhood by following the practices of the Christian faith. I have no desire to garner sympathy, to “weaponize” my victimhood, or to make men feel ashamed. But I am also unable to ignore the obvious vulnerabilities that accompany biological womanhood, and the way those vulnerabilities interact with economic and social disadvantage, not to mention sickness, culture, and disability. If this is what “intersectionality” really meant, I would be its greatest adherent.

Nicky died in my arms a few years ago. Minutes before she left me, I felt the presence of our grandmother. I was sending her home to the safety of heaven with our matriarch. It reminds me of the scripture I read on that floor almost 30 years ago:

For we know that if our earthly house, this tent, is destroyed, we have a building from God, a house not made with hands, eternal in the heavens. For in this we groan, earnestly desiring to be clothed with our habitation which is from heaven, if indeed, having been clothed, we shall not be found naked. (2 Corinthians 5: 1–3)

Christians don’t look for an Earthly utopia. We don’t believe that natural vulnerabilities of sex and poverty can be completely cured with culture and government. But like the original feminists, we believe in protecting children and women. I don’t want to be the one who goes on about paedophilia. But if we don’t continue to talk about rape—and vulnerabilities to rape—women like me will never gain a place in society. This is because we need spaces and understanding and systems of support, not to gain equality, but rather dignity, stability, and purpose.

Because of my experiences, and the newly fashionable denial of reality being promoted by progressives, I find myself sitting with the politically homeless. For now, we are all retreating to old-fashioned liberalism with unlikely new friends—an exodus to a land none of us can see. This divergent group of progressive dissenters won’t find a land flowing with milk and honey, but we might find a place to speak the truth, to cling to those who belong to us, and protect the vulnerable. I’m not sure there is any higher purpose to politics anyway.

barney
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Re: What's Wrong with the Modern Left

Post by barney » Tue Jan 05, 2021 5:41 pm

Belle, how could you think this is an article about the left? Why is this such an obsession for you? There are merely a few transitory remarks about the left, and much of that has my sympathy. The real story is her salvation as a human being by faith, her rescue from despair and potential suicide. It's a paean of praise to Christianity. Did you miss that?

Rach3
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Re: What's Wrong with the Modern Left

Post by Rach3 » Tue Jan 05, 2021 5:48 pm

I thought Jesus was a progressive (?).

Rach3
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Re: What's Wrong with the Modern Left

Post by Rach3 » Tue Jan 05, 2021 6:42 pm

Rightist Bolsonaro's Brazil, of course,From NYT tonight:

"Coping? I’ve been staying home for eight months. I’m no longer coping. I’m merely surviving, day after day. I always wake up angry, go to bed angry. I can’t take it anymore. It’s come to the point I simply do not care anymore whether I get sick or not. I just really want to go out and see people, socialize. The only reason I don’t is because I live with my father, and I couldn’t get myself to put him in harm’s way. Still, this fix has been far worse than the problem, in my experience, since Day 1."

— Gabriel Luciano Oliveira Mattos, Aracaju, Brazil

So, if it weren't for Dad, she'd have no problem getting others sick.

david johnson
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Re: What's Wrong with the Modern Left

Post by david johnson » Wed Jan 06, 2021 2:17 am

"The postmodern re-engineering of left-wing political theory has included the redefinition of “privilege” in a way that is separate from economics, a definition of “sex” that is separate from biology, and a definition of “violence” that does not involve actual violence." - yep That was an interesting read. Thank you, Belle.

jserraglio
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Re: What's Wrong with the Modern Left

Post by jserraglio » Wed Jan 06, 2021 4:22 am

david johnson wrote:
Wed Jan 06, 2021 2:17 am
"The postmodern re-engineering of left-wing political theory has included the redefinition of “privilege” in a way that is separate from economics, a definition of “sex” that is separate from biology, and a definition of “violence” that does not involve actual violence."
Hand it to the Right for their hoarily narrow definitions — privilege means no more than wielding scratch; sex is breeding from the missionary position; and violence amounts to merely cutting throats.

Political naivety, superstition and ad hocism. All par for the course in flat-earth revanchist circles.

maestrob
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Re: What's Wrong with the Modern Left

Post by maestrob » Wed Jan 06, 2021 9:04 am

barney wrote:
Tue Jan 05, 2021 5:41 pm
Belle, how could you think this is an article about the left? Why is this such an obsession for you? There are merely a few transitory remarks about the left, and much of that has my sympathy. The real story is her salvation as a human being by faith, her rescue from despair and potential suicide. It's a paean of praise to Christianity. Did you miss that?
What, indeed!

It is indeed a miracle that this terrible life happened, and that the writer survived and managed to prosper in spite of the horrors that she lived through. Although I never came close to suffering like hers, there were incidents in my early life that I won't go into here that allow me now to relate to her suffering and her redemption, along with her immense will to make herself a better person that brought her to God. All this is an inspiring story of healing and redemption, but what the devil has all this got to do with politics, except in an oblique way?

In truth, there are many Evangelicals here in the USA that are supremely corrupt, while there is a whole cohort of youngsters in the church that have renounced Trump's Republican party and supported Joe Biden in the election just past (I posted an editorial from one of them.), for may reasons. One of those reasons is that Republicans here are driven to cancel Obamacare, and another is that they are opposed to Social Security and Medicare. Do you really think that Jesus would have approved of those positions, with His dedication to caring for the poor?

At any rate, Belle, I don't get your point, unless it's to shock us by posting foul language couched in an article about sexual abuse. :wink:

jserraglio
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Re: What's Wrong with the Modern Left

Post by jserraglio » Wed Jan 06, 2021 11:40 am

What’s wrong with the Modern Right?

One thing is sanctimony; scapegoating is another.

david johnson
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Re: What's Wrong with the Modern Left

Post by david johnson » Thu Jan 07, 2021 2:27 am

jserraglio wrote:
Wed Jan 06, 2021 4:22 am
david johnson wrote:
Wed Jan 06, 2021 2:17 am
"The postmodern re-engineering of left-wing political theory has included the redefinition of “privilege” in a way that is separate from economics, a definition of “sex” that is separate from biology, and a definition of “violence” that does not involve actual violence."
Hand it to the Right for their hoarily narrow definitions — privilege means no more than wielding scratch; sex is breeding from the missionary position; and violence amounts to merely cutting throats.

Political naivety, superstition and ad hocism. All par for the course in flat-earth revanchist circles.
lol

Rach3
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Re: What's Wrong with the Modern Left

Post by Rach3 » Thu Jan 07, 2021 12:52 pm

WAPO-The future threat from entitled Right


Greg Sargent
WAPO
Jan. 7, 2021 at 9:45 a.m. CST

As Congress debated affirming Joe Biden’s electoral victory on Thursday morning, Rep. Conor Lamb disturbed the natural order of our political universe by saying the unsayable: Republican lies are having dangerous real-world consequences.

The Pennsylvania Democrat charged that GOP objections to Biden’s electors are underpinned by the same lies that inspired violent insurrectionists to storm the Capitol on President Trump’s behalf.

That is an important truth. But Lamb’s speech also captured something even more essential about this perilous moment, something that explains why the movement that Trump has unleashed may continue to pose a serious threat to self rule and civil order going forward.

Congress affirmed Biden’s victory in the early hours. But that only came after well over 100 House and Senate Republicans voted in favor of objections to electors from Pennsylvania and Arizona.

Lamb blamed these Republicans’ ideas for inciting mob violence.
“That attack today — it didn’t materialize out of nowhere,” Lamb said. “It was inspired by lies — the same lies that you’re hearing in this room tonight. And the members who are repeating those lies should be ashamed of themselves. Their constituents should be ashamed of them.”

This is correct: Many of the lies Republicans told during the debate — poll watchers didn’t observe vote-counting; there was mass fraud — are ones Trump has recycled to claim the election was stolen from him, which drove the mob assault.

But Lamb said something else that should nag at us as well.
“I came here tonight to talk about the place I represent, and how well the Democratic and Republican county officials ran our election,” Lamb said. In Allegheny County, he noted, “there were 31 video cameras —31! — in the same place, just showing people counting votes, every single one of them on paper, with representatives from both campaigns watching.”

Lamb also noted that the election in Pennsylvania had unfolded under a system that the state’s Republican legislators had set up.

Underlying these simple declarations is a disturbing notion: No matter how hard the countless ordinary men and women of all political persuasions running our elections worked in good faith to ensure its fairness and legitimacy, it was inevitably never going to be deemed enough.

The movement that has formed around the lie that the election was fraudulent imposes on itself no binding obligation of any kind to recognize the reality of what actually happened. We need to understand this as a foundational principle: This movement does not view itself as bound by an election’s legitimate outcome.

That’s why this debate, I think, often has an air of people talking past one another. When Democrats, principled Republicans and journalists point out the facts about the election’s legitimacy, it ricochets off the bubble this movement has constructed around itself.


The lies this movement tells about the election aren’t meant as real arguments. They are that bubble, the outer rhetorical fortress inside which the movement’s genuine convictions sit protected and undisturbed.Those convictions are as follows: The election should be overturned because Trump and his coalition are supposed to have won and supposed to remain in power, because their voters are entitled to legitimate political representation and the opposition’s are not.

Where the dozens of Republicans who voted for objections to Biden’s electors sit in relation to this foundational idea is hard to say. Politicians inevitably must resort to artifice in one way or another about their actual beliefs.

But here’s what we do know: They did not take this opportunity to reaffirm the truth about this election’s outcome, thus allowing this movement’s extremism to go unrebutted by them at the most critical moment of all. They indulged and validated these seditious tendencies, even after they incited insurrectionist mob violence.
Now what ?

This will stay with us. Going forward, Lamb predicted, those claiming the election was illegitimate “will make the same arguments.” And Lamb added that his rebuttals were not intended for those people, but rather for those watching at home.

That’s an important statement that this movement is unpersuadable precisely because it is operating in impenetrable bad faith. And it will continue to do so.


It’s important to understand this as a breakdown of relations among citizens. In a forthcoming essay, the Niskanen Center’s Brink Lindsey will argue that a restoration of “democratic civic virtue” is in order after Trump.
This has one principle as its hallmark: “Treat all your fellow citizens, regardless of their political views, as your civic and political equals.“

This means you don’t get to say that an election’s outcome is illegitimate simply because you lost it — not just because it’s a lie that imperils democracy and civil peace, but also because it constitutes an act of very deep contempt for your fellow citizens.

In a sense, as David French suggests, when public officials adopt this stance, they are even showing contempt for their own voters. They are telling them they have no obligation to the truth or to treat their fellow citizens as equals, instead of showing them the respect of leveling with them in the expectation that they have the capacity and desire to remain faithful to higher democratic ideals.

The way forward is unclear. John Ganz raises the prospect of a “permanent anti-democratic radical right” that will continue to “precipitate serious crises.” Accountability is required, starting with the removal of Trump and some form of censure for public officials enabling his sedition.

“The people have made this country work by not giving in,” Lamb told Congress, meaning not giving in to enemies of democracy. “We want this government to work more than they want it to fail.”

Lamb’s answer, then, is that pro-democracy forces have deeper convictions and are more numerous than the anti-democracy forces are. But is that really enough? And how much damage will be done by those anti-democracy forces going forward?

Rach3
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Re: What's Wrong with the Modern Left

Post by Rach3 » Sun Jan 17, 2021 10:23 am

Rach3 wrote:
Thu Jan 07, 2021 12:52 pm
WAPO-The future threat from entitled Right
And how much damage will be done by those anti-democracy forces going forward?

WAPO
Suzanne Schneider, 1/15

“… Violence is not, in this sense, ancillary to far-right politics but central to preserving the vast inequalities that even its "moderate" supporters wish to maintain. Beyond the tax cuts and deregulation so favored by his plutocratic backers, President Trump's signature accomplishments were notable for their gratuitous cruelty: the ban on travel from Muslim nations, family separation at the southern border, home invasions and deportations by Immigration and Customs Enforcement that served no material interest beyond offering his fan base reasons to cheer. These are not disjointed parts of the right-wing agenda, as Jacob Hacker and Paul Pierson have recently argued, but rather co-dependent, which is one reason the growth of white nationalism has mirrored the uptick in economic inequality. Acts of violence, particularly against people of color, are the spoonful of sugar that helps the GOP's economic platform — notoriously unpopular among its base — go down. Violence does the deflective work Benjamin identified with fascist aesthetics.

The events this month also underscored that "freedom" — that most signature of conservative values — has been refashioned to contain violence at its core: freedom to carry a weapon and use it at will, to infect others around you during a pandemic, to die of preventable disease rather than submit to a national health-care system. Moreover, the primacy of violence within the right's political vision also helps explain why our authorized death dispensers — police officers and military personnel — have become demigods in certain circles. (That's why it was so shocking to see the Trump mob engage Capitol Police officers in battle, violating the unmatched sanctity of blue lives.) The right fringe also likes to align with, or posture as, law enforcement — playing the part of citizen soldier in protecting our nation from its foes, whether they are terrorists, Black Lives Matter activists or leftists. Anecdotal reports suggest that some Capitol rioters fully expected the cops to return the favor by supporting the insurrection — and that at least a handful of them did.

The mob that stormed the Capitol did not have a master plan to seize power or overthrow the government, but it did possess an intent to harm: to capture and possibly kill lawmakers, to subjugate them. And then what? The absence of strategy might seem like a reason for relief, but it is also a warning about a movement willing to inflict violence for the sake of spectacle. That a hodgepodge mob with no discernible convictions beyond its fealty to Trump could storm the Capitol and then head home after the game was up testifies to the hollowness that characterizes the far right as a political force. It is not that the core is rotten but that it is utterly absent. Violence is what remains.

https://www.washingtonpost.com/outlook/ ... story.html

barney
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Re: What's Wrong with the Modern Left

Post by barney » Sun Jan 17, 2021 10:39 am

Excellent points, but obviously wrong. After all, Belle assures us that the right is NEVER violent, only the left. Unless the despicable left utterly provoke the kind, gentle people of the right by, for example, continuing to breathe.

maestrob
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Re: What's Wrong with the Modern Left

Post by maestrob » Sun Jan 17, 2021 11:07 am

Schneider makes this excellent point very clearly:
The events this month also underscored that "freedom" — that most signature of conservative values — has been refashioned to contain violence at its core: freedom to carry a weapon and use it at will, to infect others around you during a pandemic, to die of preventable disease rather than submit to a national health-care system. Moreover, the primacy of violence within the right's political vision also helps explain why our authorized death dispensers — police officers and military personnel — have become demigods in certain circles. (That's why it was so shocking to see the Trump mob engage Capitol Police officers in battle, violating the unmatched sanctity of blue lives.) The right fringe also likes to align with, or posture as, law enforcement — playing the part of citizen soldier in protecting our nation from its foes, whether they are terrorists, Black Lives Matter activists or leftists. Anecdotal reports suggest that some Capitol rioters fully expected the cops to return the favor by supporting the insurrection — and that at least a handful of them did.
Violence towards "the other" is indeed the spoonful of sugar that makes the bitter pill of financial inequality so beloved by the sponsors of the right go down so handily.

jserraglio
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Re: What's Wrong with the Modern Left

Post by jserraglio » Sun Jan 17, 2021 11:13 am

barney wrote:
Sun Jan 17, 2021 10:39 am
Belle assures us that the right is NEVER violent, only the left. Unless the despicable left utterly provoke the kind, gentle people of the right by, for example, continuing to breathe.
I would point out how she has over time subtly shifted her POV: at one time, she dissed the Left for not giving Good Boy Donald a fair shot at succeeding as President; now, confronted with ‘the horror’, she flips the script and accuses the Left of being a mirror image of Bad Boy Donald.

I.E., Trump has a doppelgänger, as do the characters in the 2019 Us flick.
Last edited by jserraglio on Sun Jan 17, 2021 11:22 am, edited 1 time in total.

maestrob
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Re: What's Wrong with the Modern Left

Post by maestrob » Sun Jan 17, 2021 11:22 am

Notice how she has subtly shifted her POV: at one time, she dissed the Left for not giving Good Boy Donald a fair shot at succeeding as President; now, confronted with reality, she flips the script and accuses the Left of being a mirror image of Bad Boy Donald.
Very perceptive, Joe.

Thus, the slipperiness of those not grounded in what's real.

jserraglio
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Re: What's Wrong with the Modern Left

Post by jserraglio » Sun Jan 17, 2021 11:31 am

maestrob wrote:
Sun Jan 17, 2021 11:22 am
Thus, the slipperiness of those not grounded in what's real.
I actually have no problem with her use of a rhetorical ploy (as an open partisan, I like using rhetoric) — but not when it is passed off as Gospel . . . America and Americans becoming the new Deplorables.

maestrob
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Re: What's Wrong with the Modern Left

Post by maestrob » Sun Jan 17, 2021 11:42 am

jserraglio wrote:
Sun Jan 17, 2021 11:31 am
maestrob wrote:
Sun Jan 17, 2021 11:22 am
Thus, the slipperiness of those not grounded in what's real.
I actually have no problem with her use of a rhetorical ploy (as an open partisan, I like using rhetoric) — but not when it is passed off as Gospel . . . America and Americans becoming the new Deplorables.
Generalizations inevitably throw someone under the bus, don't they? :mrgreen:

Sometimes, in fact, even those doing the throwing! :roll: :lol:

jserraglio
Posts: 7299
Joined: Sun May 29, 2005 7:06 am
Location: Cleveland, Ohio

Re: What's Wrong with the Modern Left

Post by jserraglio » Sun Jan 17, 2021 12:19 pm

maestrob wrote:
Sun Jan 17, 2021 11:42 am
Sometimes, in fact, even those doing the throwing!
You know how they set Right a leaky ship listing dangerously to Starboard? . . . they rebalance it by swinging it around to Port!

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